VICTORIA LAW: So electronic monitoring costs vary from place to place. Like, let's start by being accountable for the small things that -- you know, like in asking -- and getting into the practice of being accountable and practicing community.

We must also beware of the ways in which “community”-based forms of policing, including neighborhood watch programs and the expansion of the child welfare system’s mandated reporting, replicate many of the same oppressive dynamics as traditional policing. I mean, I -- one of the things I've never understood is people thinking that police -- the current police actually do -- like address the big thing. Then we're going to take a little moment, break, maybe get some water, and then come back and talk about, quote-unquote, "alternatives," what the concept of alternatives to incarceration or, you know, how people kind of sell that as an attempt to, quote, "replace the PIC." VICTORIA LAW: Oh, OK. All right. Remember, they had children, she was unable to work because nobody would hire her in this small town, with a giant honking ankle monitor. And for people who can't work while they're on ankle monitoring, this is another form of kind of debt peonage, a way where people start to become completely overwhelmed by the cost of their own incarceration in their own homes. The first drug court was launched in Miami in 1989, and these courts have grown substantially over the past couple of decades.

You're coercing someone into doing something with their body that they wouldn't have done otherwise. So we have about half an hour left in our time together, and I know we have a few things that we want to address in terms of the question of alternatives. And this often means seeking out older people, people with more money, property owners -- people who authorities are less likely to be targeting -- to watch their neighbors and call the cops whenever they're suspicious of anything. You can read Kristian Williams and Alex Vitale for more on that. We need to be wary of local officials looking to expand neighborhood watch programs that are grounded in policing principles. We're given these sets of imperatives, really. MARIAME KABA: Thank you very much, Maya. She was placed in the Trans Housing Unit -- another carceral reform -- and then she got into an altercation with another person on the Trans Housing Unite, so she was placed in solitary confinement. Maya has an almost-two-year old and, you know, they act up, they want to do things. But now, because we have this technology, approximately 38,000 to 40,000 people who would have been released from detention without these stipulations earlier, would -- are now under ICE custody on electronic monitoring. I want to quickly mention that a growing movement is taking these issues on. As we stand on the precipice of so much potential change, there’s an understandable impulse to reach for “replacements” -- institutions to fill in for police and prisons. Or, you know, like, "Hey, you know, like, it's really loud, can you turn the music down?" Drug courts are actually widening the net of who gets swept up in the punishment system. Policing and prisons have taken on -- taken the place of actual help. And this was the perfect recruiting ground for many of the gangs of New York City at the time, and my friends got recruited and they joined gangs, they dropped out of high school, and they eventually got arrested for gang-related activities. There are approximately 200,000 people on electronic monitoring. At the same time, people are also involuntarily committed to state psychiatric hospitals and civil commitment centers.

And what we ended up finding in that report was that the people who were most mobilized to be those volunteers were the, quote, "property owners" within the community -- again, protection of property, right? We're going to end with the last of our conversation (ph) pieces about alternatives. And instead, his parents were called in and the principal had a meeting with them and the kid was told, you know, like -- you know, like, "What are the issues here," da, da, da, da, da. And it's cited in the slide that I think you're seeing right now. So instead of saying, like, "What are we going to do about all of these -- you know, like all of these armed robbers and, you know, like, embezzlers that live in our community? And it's specifically for nonprofit spaces, specifically for youth-focused spaces. So a few housekeeping items before we launch into our conversation. Like, if you live in a household with other people, think about, you know, being accountable for the ways in which you impact other people. So questions like that. And today, 20 states and the federal government have laws that confine about 5,500 people past their prison release dates. Haymarket will give instructions on how to do so. And, meanwhile, she wasn't ever really released when she got out. You know, you only get to go to these courts if the police have arrested you for sex work. Anyway, I'm Maya Schenwar and I'm the editor-in-chief of Truthout. You'll notice that I'm Mariame Kaba because I'm not actually appearing on-screen. And, you know, while we were writing our chapter on drug courts, even though I'd already been writing about this for years, I remember thinking about how of course I would rather my sister -- who was incarcerated at the time -- be placed in a treatment institution. Now, those of you who might see me in person might think that this is actually -- you can't tell -- kind of amusing because I am five feet. Which asks us a question: Are cops the only people who do the work of policing? One person we interviewed was put in a dormitory that was known as "The House of Pain." And she was offered the choice of going to trial and possibly facing 10 years in prison, or going on electronic monitoring, which would enable her to stay home with her five children, and she would be able to -- she would be able to, you know, be with her children, tuck her baby into bed. And I don't want people to lose sight of that. And for Black children, that's 53 percent. And electronic monitoring widens the net, so people who might not otherwise be jailed or imprisoned, or might be released from jail or prison -- or might not be charged or have their charges dismissed, are now being released on electronic monitoring instead.

So people see mandated drug treatment, which often comes by way of drug courts, as wholly different than police and prisons.
"Hey, you know, you said you would do the dishes, you know, after you finished making that big breakfast, but instead you left them and you went to work or wherever you went to, and you left them the entire day, which meant that somebody else had to do those dishes if they wanted to use them.". And I do want to also just have you maybe begin by talking about -- I have a pet peeve around the concept of alternatives in part because when we're talking about alternatives to incarceration, the thing that always remains constant is people's thinking about incarceration. The movement has been particularly initiated by Black mothers who have been impacted by the system. And for me, there was also a personal motivation driving me towards this subject -- and I know there also was for Vikki, and she'll talk about that -- but for me, for the past 15 y ears, my sister, Keeley, had been in and out of jail and prison and various alternatives that are products of reform, like electronic monitoring, mandated drug treatment and probation. Josmar Trujillo, an organizer in New York, says in our book, "In relation to New York's so-called neighborhood policing meetings, they're using the community to tell on the community." I'm -- Maya, you're going to be talking next, a little bit about private policing. And what ended up happening was the Cook County Sheriff's Office, which runs the jail, ran out of monitors, which then meant people were just sitting in these coronavirus-filled jails, even after a judge said to let them go, because there were not devices to clamp onto their ankles so that they could go to their homes, where presumably they would be at least able to social distance, wash their hands and use hand sanitizer. And what we're seeing with school police is that they're not stopping school shootings, as we have seen again and again and again. Right now, neighborhood watch is a practice that's often really closely associated with community policing that's based in police departments.

And as I mentioned at the start of this event, my sister, Keeley, died a few months ago while she was in a drug treatment program.

Sometimes they go to the hospital, they go to the doctor, seeking support, and they end up locked in psychiatric confinement, either for a long period of time or a short period of time, but it's a deeply, deeply traumatizing experience and it is very similar to prison. So racial disparities in incarceration actually sometimes worsen when drug courts are added. And, again, because of the stereotypes we have around who is dangerous, who is a threat to public safety and who is not -- small Asian people, and small Asian women -- I was given what we now think of as an alternative to incarceration. There was a USA Today investigation that found that the massive private security company G4S was deploying a number of guards who had raped and assaulted and shot people, including on-duty. We have talked to people who are able to walk their dog on the sidewalk right outside their house, but are unable to cross the street so -- because that would be a violation of the amount of space that they are allowed to leave. And during that time, as it was expanding, it came to focus more and more on Black and Native families. And these volunteer operations also played a role in Indigenous genocide in this country, including the Texas Rangers, who killed Native people and Mexican-Americans as part of a volunteer vigilante effort by white colonizers. So I'm going to ask you to be short in covering what you're covering around these (ph) so that we can get them in. So that's where I'm coming from right now. And Keeley actually died four months ago, four and a half months ago, of an overdose, while she was in mandated abstinence-only drug treatment program, and she was also on probation. Or, you know, go to some sort of, you know, meeting with the other person that you just got into a fight with. And as punishment for wanting to leave, she was forced to sit on a chair in the middle of the hallway for days on end, leaving only for meals and to sleep. Plus, there are probation fees, fees for drug testing, fees for classes like domestic violence classes or parenting classes, all kinds of things. Yeah. It can also actually incite vigilante violence. And at the same time, they instituted a hiring freeze on teachers and reduced the number of counselors in the schools. So we see policing happening by the school police, and we also see policing happening on the level of people who are supposed to be helping students, who are supposed to be guiding students, who are supposed to be teaching students. There's the socialism conference this Saturday, July 4th; Ruha Benjamin and Dorothy Roberts on July 8th; Ali Abunimah and Philip Weiss and Nada Elia on July 14th. And it's not that, like, "Oh, all social workers are bad." The Liberatory Vision for Labor of the Attica Uprising, Can't Pay, Won't Pay: The Case for Economic Disobedience and Debt Abolition, Study and Struggle: Abolition, Intersectionality, Care, Black Power Afterlives: From the Black Panther Party to Black Lives Matter, Imani Perry on “Breathe: A Letter to my Sons”, “This year's most immediately useful political book.” —Publishers Weekly Best Books of 2017. At Haymarket Books, our mission is to publish books for changing the world.
And even better, you can join the Haymarket Book Club. And she was addicted to heroin. And often, they are perpetrating violence against students.


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